| Nmherman on Sat, 27 Apr 2002 20:06:01 +0200 (CEST) |
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| [Nettime-bold] Juvenilia Ante Academia 4/4 |
If one accepts the argument that instrumental paradigms of language
participate in the use of myth and taboo in order to suppress communicative
activity, it then becomes necessary to articulate whether and how the
somewhat narrower domain (relative to language in general) of literacy is
affected by these dynamics. Gradations of instrumentality must be
distinguished, and not every instrumental practice should be uncritically
equated with an absolute suppression of communicative faculties or any other
human attribute. However, neither should it be assumed that there can be no
rigorous theory generated which can clearly delineate those
language-practices which inherently disrupt and exploit communicative
activity. While it would be impossible to categorize in any but the most
trivial terms a comprehensive analysis of all possible forms of
instrumentalization in literate practice, it is nonetheless useful to our
discussion here to briefly outline some of the more tangible and socially
pervasive manifestations of instrumental, mythic, and taboo-based
constructions of literacy.
One of the most direct examples of how literacy has been connected to the
patterns we are discussing is a key phrase used by Harvey Graff: "the
literacy myth." In this case, Graff is referring to the traditional and
still highly influential view that the achievement of basic reading and
writing skills is a necessary and sufficient condition for all kinds of
social and economic progress. What Graff is trying to critique is the
assumption that in these scenarios of development literacy is "instrumental"
(in a slightly different but extremely relevant sense of the word), that is,
a guaranteed and effective means of improving the situation of disadvantaged
groups and individuals. In Graff's analysis, the ultimate effect of
attributing a false potential for a limited literacy is to suppress the
importance of other factors in achieving various kinds of development, and
thus to avoid the underlying causes of poverty and crime (to name only two of
the problems literacy is often proposed to solve).
The significance of Graff's observations for our inquiry is that they
emphasize the taboo function of literacy myths: "illiteracy" becomes a
justification for social and economic ostracism. However, the role of
instrumentality in this myth/taboo complex is problematic. Graff locates
error in the assumption of what literacy can accomplish, beyond itself, as a
means. This clearly corresponds in important ways to our above definition of
the instrumental. What is much less directly examined in this analysis is
the suppressive effect that instrumental constructions exert on other types
of literate practice. Graff does not deal directly with alternative
constructions of literacy which might not only avoid the false promises of
development, but serve to actively bring about legitimate progress toward
that development. In this light it is most useful to understand Graff as
operating on a macro-level of observation rather than a micro-level of
innovation. In fact, it is Graff's call for a "third wave" that makes clear
how the concrete application of "literacy studies" to the full range of
interconnected factors must engage both the realities of social and economic
factors and the issue of defining individual literacy. It is not implausible
to consider these to be linked goals, and to view a communicative paradigm of
literacy as one possible way both to restore the proper connections between
literacy and socio-economic development and to redefine the nature of
literacy itself.
One element of the course which dealt very directly with the areas which
Graff brackets--the individual achievement of literate abilities--was Donna
Marsh's first short paper. She writes that certain dominant discourses are
"valorized" by power elites "not because we...need to communicate, but to
undermine communication and maintain the status quo" (DM 1). In the study of
local writing practices, it was the fact that "when we invalidate form, we
invalidate content" (DM 1) that revealed the intentional creation of
illiteracy to preserve power relations. In the establishment of forms of
discourse such as the essay and academic style, many of her students who were
undeniably intelligent and articulate were nonetheless unable to use the
institutional form effectively.
How can issues of myth, taboo, and instrumentalization be applied to
these observations? The genres in question are clearly "instrumental" in a
sense; they are thought to be consciously learned skills which we acquire in
order to gain entry to a wider discursive community--means to a further end.
Yet as Marsh suggests, there is no doubt that the same genres serve as a
filter to exclude certain groups in particular from discourse, not because
the genres are inherently unusable but because often the discursive
experience of marginalized groups is uniquely unsuited to the limited,
self-contained parameters of these institutional genres. In this situation,
what we may be seeing is an attempt to expand participation running up
against structural conditions that either function or are perceived to
function (or both) as a system of instrumentalization which uses myth and
taboo to ostracize a particular group. The result, a primary concern of many
literacy and writing teachers, is the abandonment of the project of literacy
by the oppressed group. When viewed in the context of Graff's analysis of
culture-wide and institutional myth-systems, it becomes highly plausible that
the acceptance of illiteracy is linked to the self-recognition of an
oppressed group's discursive ostracism--a defiant and protesting absorption
of the sanctions of taboo; a martyrdom of language. (This concept can be
linked to Gayatri Spivak's essay, "Can the Subaltern Speak?") Individual
empowerment is only meaningful in the context of a true social basis for
equality.
Clearly, the two levels on which myth and taboo operate--the culture-wide
in Graff, the individual in Marsh--must both be dealt with if the oppressive
effects of instrumental literacy are to be alleviated. Indeed, the two are
integrally linked as projects. The connection may be clearer in the effects
that a broad-based social change would likely have on literacy achievements;
but the causality is perhaps even more compelling (if less obvious) in the
effects that a truly transformed and communicative literacy practice would
have on the prospects for social change. What is of no doubt, however, is
that the concern of "the third wave" is to create a continuous analysis which
unites an awareness of socio-economic conditions with a directly practicable
local literacy practice, and theorizes the interconnections which must be
built between the two spheres in order for the entire "life-world" (to use a
term from Habermas) to be reorganized.
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